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Shiny, happy people ‘Body Worlds’ and the
commodification of health Megan Stern
Gunther von Hagen’s touring ‘Body Worlds’ exhibition of dissected,
‘plastinated’ human corpses has generated a great deal of public interest, much
of it critical and even hostile. The use of animal body parts in art
installations and exhibitions and documentaries exploring human anatomy may have
become familiar fare in recent years,1 but the display of actual human flesh
seems, for many people at least, to constitute an unacceptable violation of
human dignity. There have been attempts to ban ‘Body Worlds’ in all of the
countries that have hosted the exhibition thus far. In Britain the pressure
group Pity II, comprising parents whose children were involved in the Alder Hey
Hospital body-parts scandal, attempted to prevent the London exhibition. It has
also come under serious criticism from the British Medical Association and
Nuffield Foundation, as well as being subject to critical demonstrations from
visitors, one of whom threw a sheet over a pregnant figure. According to Paul
Harris, von Hagen has been shunned by fellow scientists in his native Germany
and GUnter Grass has allegedly compared him to Joseph Mengele.2 Prior to the
recent public performance of an autopsy, von Hagen was threatened with arrest,
and the police, alongside the media, were out in force to attend von Hagen’s
demonstration. All this hostility and distrust can easily be explained as the
inevitable consequence of the breaking of a powerful social taboo, but there is
more to the commotion surrounding ‘Body Worlds’ than this. The exhibition is
shocking not simply because it goes against the grain of what is apparently
acceptable. It also represents, in the most dramatic terms, the redefinition of
the human body within consumer culture. In this sense it is eerily
representative of current values.
The art of plastic In some respects at least ‘Body Worlds’ treatment of
the human body is extremely conventional. Notably, it reproduces the
long-standing assumption within anatomical tradition that the male represents
the anatomical norm and that the female is of interest primarily as a means of
demonstrating the reproductive system. Of those whole-body plastinates on
display at the Atlantis Gallery in Shoreditch, East London last year, only two
were female. Of these one was pregnant, reclining on one side with a hand behind
the head, a pose taken straight from pornographic cliche. The other drew
attention to the position of the uterus and ovaries in relation to other organs
and was suspended, midair, in the graceful position of a swimmer. This figure
also had significant quantities of hair on its head, despite the uniform
baldness of other plastinates. By contrast most male plastinates were displayed
in heroic ‘manly’ poses, with titles such as ‘the horseman’, ‘muscleman’, ‘the
swordsman’, ‘the runner’ and ‘the chess player’. The urinary system was
represented exclusively using male organs, and, while the breast and female
reproductive system were displayed in isolation, male reproductive organs were
not treated in the same way. The penis thus appeared as part of the ‘normal’
body, rather than as the male organ of reproduction, a process that is
exclusively identified with the female body in the exhibition. ‘Body Worlds’ may
thus be shocking in so far as it features ‘real’ corpses, but the ways in which
these corpses are represented is, certainly in terms of gender, extremely
conservative.
Basing the poses of a number of his whole-body plastinates on works of art,
von Hagen also offers us the human body in ways that are already familiar to us
aesthetically. This is humanity as we already know it, through the paintings,
sketches and sculptures of da Vinci, Michaelangelo, Cezanne, Dal’ and Boccioni,
among others. Ironically, given von Hagen’s insistence that ordinary people
should have access to ‘the real thing’, these are ‘actual’ human bodies that
have been reworked to look like aesthetic representations of the body. The
plastination process itself, in which all bodily fluids are replaced with a
variety of synthetic materials including silicone rubber, epoxy resin and
polyester, enhances this sense of the bodies as constructs. The plastinate,
denuded of the qualities that would make it fleshly, becomes a static,
odourless, impermeable and clearly delineated reworking of the original body.
Real, decaying corpses are messy and smelly, qualities which play a crucial role
in rendering the corpse taboo, the destabilizing abject that must be made safe
through rituals of purification and detachment. Plastination arguably
constitutes just such a ritual, so that instead of shocking visitors by
confronting them with abject corpses, ‘Body Worlds’ renders these corpses safe,
unthreatening. ‘Body Worlds’ is reassuring because, whilst undoubtedly promising
the ghoulish thrill of encountering authentic human corpses, it also neutralizes
this encounter. It gives us the corpse in spectacular fairground mode: exciting
but safe.
In other words, the exhibition goes beyond the economy of representation and
offers us the dissected corpse as simulacrum. The original body cannot anywhere
show itself because it constitutes the very material from which the simulation
is made. The actual body has been displaced by a hyper-real one whose durability
and authenticity entirely displace the need for the real thing. Imogen O’Rorke’s
comparison of what she calls the ‘new necro-body’ to a Barbie doll is telling in
this respect. While Barbie is femininity packaged as idealized spectacle, the
plastinate has a similar relationship to the corpse. If real women and corpses
age and, in the case of the latter, putrefy, their plastic substitutes go on for
ever. Likewise Barbie’s idealized shape and the plastinate’s perfectly defined
anatomy displace the inadequacies and uncertainties of the real thing. In each
case the commodity promises what the real body can never deliver, and, since
immortality is even less attainable than feminine perfection, plastination has a
very particular appeal. Von Hagen himself has suggested that
plastination eliminates anxiety because I am able to extend my physical
existence after death É I don’t know whether we continue or not after life, but
this exhibition gets much closer to the soul than the Church because you are so
close to the body. I don’t fear death any more.3
Plastination promises the donor neither the spiritual eternity of most
religions, nor the cerebral eternity of cryogenics, but physical permanence:
plastination offers a uniquely secular, material form of immortality. In the
comments of many donors, the avoidance of physical decay is prominent among the
reasons given for registering as a donor. ‘Body Worlds’ is, quite literally, a
consumer heaven.One of the criticisms most frequently levied at von Hagen is
that he is commercially, rather than (as he claims) educationally, motivated.
His self-conscious showmanship, the dramatic advertising used to promote ‘Body
Worlds’, the glossy website and the range of products available from both
website and exhibition Ð including tie pins, puzzles and soft toys Ð all support
this view. But the commercial appeal of ‘Body Worlds’ goes beyond these
trappings; the very process by which von Hagen constructs his figures is a form
of commodification. As such, the exhibition can be understood in terms of the
redefinition of health, the body and death within the increasingly
commercialized medical system of contemporary Britain.
The foundation of the National Health Service in 1948 institutionalized the
idea that health was a matter of state responsibility towards the public. Within
this context, patients tended to defer to medical experts, in whose hands they
placed their bodies. In recent years, however, these patients have become
consumers of health care with contractual relationships to service providers. In
the new order consumers’ rights over their bodies and the bodies of their
relatives are paramount. Furthermore, as state paternalism has diminished,
health-care systems place increasing responsibility on individuals for
maintaining their own health. Health, in other words, is less a matter of social
welfare and more a matter of individual choice, self-awareness and
responsibility.
Von Hagen, who, according to Stuart Jeffries ‘sees himself on a global
mission to end the elitism of the medical profession which, he believes, has
denied the lay public access to a better understanding of their own bodies’, is
very much in tune with this new medical culture. The Anatomy Act of 1832, which
abolished anatomy as a public spectacle and mode of punishment, played a crucial
role in creating a culture of professional exclusivity and authority within
medicine. The act empowered doctors, whilst diminishing the authority of
patients, leaving them with little option but to trust the judgement of
professionals. ‘Body Worlds’ and von Hagen’s recent public autopsy begin to
reverse this process, echoing the contemporary shift in power between the
medical profession and patients/consumers of health care.
But von Hagen is not simply offering people anatomical understanding. Just as
the new consumer ethos of health care places emphasis on individual
self-awareness, so ‘Body Worlds’ encourages visitors to identify themselves,
quite intimately, with the dissected figures they have come to see. The animated
poses of many plastinates and their proximity to visitors seem designed to
encourage visitors to reflect upon their own bodies and the ‘Body Worlds’
website features visitors’ comments that highlight this sense of identification.
One visitor ‘marvels at’ his ‘complexity’, another says that ‘Body Worlds’
‘profoundly changed my attitudes towards my own body, towards life and death. I
feel myself in a different way now, more intensely.’ A third talks of smiling
while watching ‘the dressed, living bodies standing next to the plastinated,
mute bodies’. The slippage between visitor and exhibit becomes even clearer in
relation to von Hagen’s donation programme. The inclusion of donors’ comments
and donor application forms within the exhibition encourages visitors to
conceive of themselves as future plastinates, and one of the attractions of
becoming a donor is the annual invitation to witness the plastination process.
The display of plastinated organs in ‘Body Worlds’ clearly links self-awareness
and self-maintenance. As Chris Bloor points out, the number of tar-stained and
cancerous lungs in the exhibition carries with it a clear moral message about
personal responsibility. The same can be said of the array of cirrhotic livers,
hardened arteries and haemorrhaged hearts; it is difficult to look at this
collection of diseased organs without feeling a very direct connection with
one’s own body and wondering how its organs might compare to those on
display.
It is necessary to be well informed, self-aware and responsible within the
rationale of consumerism, because this enables the individual to make good
choices. In the context of health care this means that the patient should not
simply accept what he or she is told, but should instead be in a position to
make informed decisions about available options. In ‘Body Worlds’ donation is
figured as just such an informed decision. The majority of donors made their
decision after visiting one of von Hagen’s exhibitions (in March 2002 there were
3,200 donors registered, and according to Jeffries ‘each exhibition leads to
a flood of volunteers’) and, as noted above, they are invited to attend annual
plastination demonstrations, so they clearly know (despite much criticism to the
contrary) what they are letting themselves in for. The public dissections
nostalgically recalled by von Hagen used the bodies of executed criminals,
anatomy being part of the punishment for murder. In more recent times, medical
etiquette has dictated that relatives of organ donors should be given as little
information as possible about what exactly will happen in order to minimize
their distress. Von Hagen’s donation scheme contradicts both of these positions,
presenting plastination, dissection and public display as personal choices made
by well-informed individuals.
At the same time, von Hagen is absolutely in tune with the current guidelines
concerning the procedures for procuring and retaining body parts and organs,
guidelines which emerged in response to changing attitudes towards medical care.
The Redfern Inquiry into the Alder Hey scandal, in which thousands of infant and
fetal body parts were removed and retained without parental consent, emphasized
the great importance of gaining informed consent. That is to say, the report
rejected the routine practice of ‘protecting’ parents from distressing clinical
details and insisted that only procedures of which parents were fully cognizant
and for which they had given consent could be allowed. As consumers of health
care, in other words, parents have a right to knowledge and informed
decision-making that supersedes the doctor’s right to research. Arguably, it was
this same cultural shift which led to the scandal in the first place. While it
was precipitated by the serious misconduct of one pathologist, Dickvan Velzen,
disclosures concerning his malpractice very soon escalated into a widespread
condemnation of the routine removal of organs at all research hospitals that
went back to the early years of the NHS. What had been acceptable within the
context of medical paternalism is condemned within that of consumer health care.
Ironically, given that Alder Hey parents formed the most vocal opposition to
‘Body Worlds’ in Britain, von Hagen’s donation programme is exemplary, according
to the terms laid out by the Redfern Inquiry. In so far, then, as ‘Body Worlds’
and ‘Pity II’ adhere to the principles of informed consumer choice, they appear
to have much in common.
Too close to home Where they differ, however, is in their response to the
other half of the consumer health equation. Patients may be redefined as
consumers in so far as they are incorporated into a discourse of rights and
choices, but Ð given the new economic imperative within health care Ð as bodies
requiring treatment they are also transformed into commodities. They become the
specific illness or dysfunctional organ from which they suffer and enter the
medical market place accordingly. It was the idea of their children’s body parts
being reduced to objects in this way that incensed Alder Hey parents, and the
spectacular display of corpses in ‘Body Worlds’ could do nothing but anger them.
The language of rights and choices deployed by the Redfern Inquiry clearly
emerges from the idea of the patient as consumer, but the corresponding idea of
the patient as commodity is implicitly condemned. In ‘Body Worlds’ the proximity
of these ideas is much clearer, as plastination is represented as a desirable,
well-informed consumer choice.
The full extent to which ‘Body Worlds’ reveals the uncomfortable relationship
between consumer and commodity emerges from accusations that have been made
against von Hagen concerning the sources of some of his plastinates. Although
von Hagen is clear that all the whole body plastinates included in his
exhibitions have been donated for this specific purpose, he does not make the
same claim for exhibited body parts or whole body plastinates sold to research
and teaching institutions. In the light of his move from Germany to China and
Kyrgyzstan, where legislation concerning the use of dead bodies is far looser
than in Europe, there has been concern over the sources for these plastinates.
In particular, news that he had bought fifty-six bodies from a psychiatric
hospital in Novosibirsk, Kyrgyzstan, led to widespread criticism in the press.
The image of von Hagen acquiring quantities of unspecified bodies, plastinating,
dissecting and then selling them on to medical institutions is clearly very
different from the one evoked by the ‘Body Worlds’ donation scheme. Von Hagen
represents plastination as an enlightened, individual choice, and to this extent
the plastinates enable consumer desires and fantasies. However, his alleged use
of the Novosibirsk corpses would suggest that plastination might also exemplify
the body’s reduction to an exchangeable object within the global marketplace.
Moreover, the fact that those who buy into the ‘Body Worlds’ donation scheme are
predominantly white Europeans (as well as being predominantly male, the whole
body plastinates on show at ‘Body Worlds’ are also exclusively white), while
those whose bodies have apparently been bought are mentally ill, impoverished or
convicted Asians, reflects the global relationship between consumer rights and
commodified bodies in contemporary medical culture.
Whether or not there is any truth in the allegations brought against von
Hagen, the fact that such speculations circulate at all suggests the pertinence
of ‘Body Worlds’ to recent changes in medical culture. Like the scandal of organ
selling in the Third World, the story suggests an uncomfortable awareness of the
reduction of people to commodities that the language of medical choices, rights
and responsibilities avoids. ‘Body Worlds’ attracts attention, whether from
supporters or detractors, because it highlights, in spectacular ways, the
changes that consumer culture has wrought upon ideas of medicine, the body and
death. If it has been a recurring source of offence, hostility, legal
intervention and allegation, this is perhaps because it articulates so clearly
what is too close to home.
Notes 1. ‘Korperwelten’ or ‘Body Worlds’
(hww.bodyworlds.co.uk/en.htm), which had previously been shown in Tokyo,
Mannheim, Vienna, Basle, Cologne, Oberhausen, Berlin and Brussels, was preceded
in London by the 2000 ‘Spectacular Bodies’ exhibition at the Hayward Gallery,
which included uncannily lifelike anatomical waxworks. In the summer of 2002,
the Science Museum in London also ran the high profile ‘Grossology’ exhibition,
an educational tour of the human body targeted at schoolchildren. Damien Hirst,
Marc Quinn and Rick Gibson are among a number of British artists who have used
animal or human body parts, tissues and fluids. ‘Body Works’ will be shown next
in Munich.
2. Stuart Jeffries, ‘The Naked and the Dead’, Guardian, 9 March
2002; Paul Harris, ‘World Trade in Bodies is Linked to Corpse Art Show’,
Observer, 17 March 2002.
3. Imogen O’Rorke, ‘Skinless Wonders’, Observer, 20 May
2001.
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